Zambia : Dr. Field Ruwe, A Staunch Critic Of President Hichilema, Endorses Him
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NewsLusaka - Zambia: The endorsement of Hichilema is founded on qualitative empirical data gathered from the African Studies Library at Boston University, USA.
Columns 8 min.Read Dr. Field Ruwe, A Staunch Critic Of President Hichilema, Endorses Him By editor July 30, 2026 FacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsAppBy Dr. Field Ruwe
In a development that might startle the nation, I hereby deliver a masterstroke of irony by bestowing my endorsement upon the incumbent Hakainde Hichilema, a president I have relentlessly censured throughout his first term and will continue to do so should he secure a second term.
Believe me, neither Hichilema and his UPND nor Brian Mundubile and his Tonse Alliance foresaw this endorsement. If it were solely my decision, I would have liked to see Hichilema vacate State House. However, as a multicultural researcher, my work is bound to thorough data collection and a comprehensive civic evaluation of the human subjects I study.
The endorsement of Hichilema is founded on qualitative empirical data gathered from the African Studies Library at Boston University, USA. The library contains an extensive collection of articles related to Zambian politicians. The data obtained offer factual support regarding the track records of the two primary candidates, aiding in the assessment of who is most suitable to govern Zambia the next five years.
Hichilema’s Political Persona
In the last five years, my analysis of Hichilema has resulted in my classification of him as a narcissist, with a leadership approach characterized by egocentrism, ethno-regional political bias, neoliberal economic strategies, and a discernible inclination to take Zambians for granted.
I found out that I was not the only one holding this view. Many academics, political opponents, and commentators frequently use terms like “narcissistic” or “arrogant” to describe Hichilema’s political persona.
In “The President and the Mirror” of September 3, 2025, political commentator Thandiwe Ketiš Ngoma writes, “He [Hicilema] displays an unusual and troubling cocktail of traits: the arrogance of a narcissist, the insecurity of an inferiority complex, and a misplaced confidence rooted not in wisdom but in arrogance.” She concludes, “What we may be witnessing is not just the failings of a leader, but the classic patterns of narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) played out on the national stage.”
Professor Proud Moonga, a Tonga, writes, “HH is not a bad Tonga; he is a bad leader. There is a big difference. No tribe should be blamed for the failures of one individual. The Tonga are hardworking, peaceful, and patriotic citizens who have contributed immensely to the development of Zambia. What Zambians are rejecting is not the Tonga people, but the poor leadership, arrogance, division, and broken promises of Hakainde Hichilema.”
The late Edith Nawakwi historically described Hichilema as a “criminal” who unlawfully benefited from Zambia’s privatization initiative and characterized him as a “desperate” politician willing to fabricate falsehoods to gain power.
The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) linked Hichilema to the Bermuda-registered mining firm AfNat Resources Ltd, serving as a director under the name Hakainde Sammy Hichilema for a short period in 2006. The revelation by the Appleby law firm featured in the “Paradise Papers” cast a light on a notable offshore tax haven, perpetuating the speculation regarding his “undeclared” assets.
I dug deeper into organizations that track down hidden assets, such as Africa Confidential, Investigative Group International (IGI), and Deligence International (DI), and discovered that apart from AfNat Resources Ltd, most accusations about Hichilema remain mere speculation and lack substantiation. As a result, the myth surrounding him remains unchallenged. If Hichilema is truly as his critics assert, he will eventually face justice in court. Until then, he continues to keep his head above the water.
Hichilema’s Achievements
Opinions about Hichilema are notably polarized within the country; however, he continues to garner international acclaim for his extensive economic reforms. The Civil Society Organizations (CSO) Debt Alliance reports that “following its default in 2020, Zambia successfully utilized the G20 Common Framework to restructure roughly $9.8 billion to $13 billion.”
As a result, Zambia’s gross international reserves have reached an impressive high of $6.5 billion, representing a notable financial achievement. In addition, Hichilema has renewed ties with global financial institutions to secure vital support from the IMF and the World Bank, which has contributed to the stabilization of the Kwacha and the reduction of fiscal deficits.
Such an achievement, coupled with free primary and secondary school education, has boosted enrollment to between 1.81 and 2.6 million since its implementation in 2022, earning him praise from the International Growth Center (IGC), Modern Democracy (Think Tank) and Chatham House. “The Telegraph” recognized him as one of the world’s standout leaders for transforming Zambia from an economic “basket case” into a model pupil of structural reform.
According to the IMF (2026), Zambia’s nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown from approximately $18.14 billion in 2020 to an estimated $41.24 billion, driven by fiscal discipline and stabilized currency dynamics.
The annual GDP growth is projected to be between 4.3% and 6.4%. This is after the late Edgar Lungu and his Patriotic Front party handed Hichilema a -2.8 GDP at the beginning of his term. According to World Bank data, Lungu’s GDP remains the worst in Zambian history, culminating in the nation’s first economic recession since 1988.
Brian Mundubile Political Persona
The African Studies Library at Boston University contains limited information regarding Brian Mundubile. Born on January 5, 1971, Mundubile is a lawyer, accountant, engineer, and entrepreneur. He cut his political teeth in 2008 when he joined the MMD at the age of 27. In 2016, he switched parties ahead of the general elections to the Pariotic Front and was elected a Member of Parliament for the Mporokoso Constituency.
Mundubile rose through the ranks, becoming Government Chief Whip (2019). In 2021 Lungu appointed him to serve as Leader of the Opposition, elevating his national profile. In 2026, he was elected leader of the Tonse Alliance and a presidential candidate. Open Zambia, an independent online news portal, defines his political ideology as populist nationalism, pro-poor interventionism, and social conservatism. In this context, his ideology serves as a direct counter-narrative to Hichilema’s neo-liberal governance.
Open Zambia further states that Mundubile has dedicated his campaign to the legacy of the late Lungu, and “it is that inheritance, as much as his own resume, that he is asking Zambians to back.” It is here that lies the problem with his candidacy.
It was the late Edgar Lungu who put a spotlight on the little-known Mundubile when he appointed him Minister for Northern Province in 2016, the same year he became a Member of Parliament for Mporokoso.
On March 21, 2026, while addressing members of the Tonse Alliance, Mundubile committed to “walk in the footsteps of the late Edgar Lungu.” Although he later recanted under pressure, he intertwined the legacy of one of Zambia’s most incompetent and corrupt presidents with himself and the Tonse Alliance. In doing so, he revealed himself as a presidential candidate who was oblivious to the catastrophic policies that nearly brought Zambia to its knees.
Mundubile and the World’s Greatest Robbery of a Government
The greatest robbery of a Zambian government is a formal designation held by Edgar Lungu, his family, and unscrupulous members of the Patriotic Front. Local and international investigative organizations, some mentioned here, regard it as the largest theft by a president and members of a political part. The massive scale of the theft remains unprecedented.
In its 2021 report, the Bertelmann Stiftung’s Tranformation Index (BTI), which measures a country’s progress toward democracy and a market economy, noted that Zambia, under the Lungu administration from 2015 to 2021, suffered an economic collapse and became the first African nation to default on its sovereign debt.
The China Africa Research Initiative (CARI) put the total Chinese debt at $6.6 billion. On September 10, 2018, African Liberty, an economic think tank, wrote that “China was taking over Zambia’s national assets due to its inability to meet loan conditions.”
Despite the fact that the debt was intended as a vital investment to modernize the nation’s antiquated infrastructure, it ultimately led to the siphoning of millions of dollars. Suddenly, people who had not long ago been impoverished became millionaires, constructing mansions, multi-story flats, lodges, acquiring vast lands and farms, and operating lucrative businesses. This institutionalized graft directly triggered Zambia’s historic economic collapse and subsequent sovereign debt default.
Africa Confidential shows how Lungu, presiding over the endemic corruption, perpetuated the plunder. Addressing government and Patriotic Front officials, he used the adage “Ubomba mwibala alya mwibala, lelo tabatila kulya nembuto kumo” (“A person who works in a field is entitled to eat from the field, but you do not eat everything, including the seeds.”)
During this time, Mundubile managed several businesses, including Mundubile Resources Ltd, Build Trust Construction Ltd, Omni Contractors Ltd, Helmeg Transport, and Lithop Timber and Steel. Current records indicate that in March 2026, Zambia’s Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) formally charged Mundubile with the corrupt acquisition of public assets. The ongoing case, which involves massive road construction contracts of approximately ZK1.5 billion, should have rendered him ineligible to participate in the presidential election.
If Mundubile Wins
Hichilema might lose the election due to public dissatisfaction with the cost of living, empty promises, and poor governance. If Mundubile wins, he will enter State House same way Lungu did, without a pre-election manifesto. During a 2026 radio appearance on 87.7FM Mundubile admitted that he did not have a static, fully prewritten manifesto as he went around campaigning, stating that his team was “making it as we go.”
A presidential candidate’s manifesto is widely considered the cornerstone of democratic accountability, as it provides a binding framework for voters to measure his success.
Above all, if Mundubile wins, his administration will comprise the same PF members who looted the country and still live lavishly. His court case will go to the wayside, along with other associated cases involving numerous PF individuals. They will resume their theft and wipe out the $6.5 billion in reserve.
If Hichilema Wins
Hakainde remains the most perilous president in Zambian history. He has already centralized authority to the detriment of national stability. He has stifled dissent, weaponized law enforcement, the judiciary, and various state institutions. It is probable that he will imprison more opponents, critics, and journalists. He is compelled to perpetuate favoritism and nepotism in public appointments and even seek a third or more terms.
Endorsement: Between a Hard Rock and a Hard Place
By presenting facts, evaluations, data, and economic indicators, I have skillfully maneuvered through a treacherous narrow path between a hard rock and a hard place, like Odysseus did. Consequently, I have been compelled to choose between two unavoidable presidential candidates. While Odysseus faced a classic no-win situation, I have consciously relinquished my personal preference for Mundubile and the Tonse Alliance in favor of Hichilema and the UPND. In essence, I have opted for the lesser of the two evils, as the idiom goes. I trust you will do the same when you cast your vote.
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